Sociology is, without a shadow of a doubt, a Left-wing field of study as of now. But that doesn’t mean conservatives have to be unarmed in the intellectual battle.

For nearly 40 years, the field of sociology has been dominated by Left-leaning academics. There are a variety of reasons for this, ranging from the influence of Left-wing philosophers on their students from the 1960s onward, to the concentration of power by certain academics in notable institutions such as the American Economics Association. Yet, despite the fact that intellectuals on the Left have gained prestige in various academic fields, the leading subject they’ve gravitated towards continues to be the field of sociology.

In one study, Jon Shields, an associate professor at Claremont McKenna College, uncovered the astonishing statistic that only 12 out of every 6,000 sociologists identify as conservative. Disparities of such magnitude rarely happen by sheer chance, and no single explanation of the issue has been uncovered. However, one thing is certain: as conservative influence in the field of sociology has declined, so has academic rigor.

Many are unaware that there was a time when the field of sociology was accepting of conservative ideas. One need look no further than the legacy left behind by great thinkers such as Robert Nisbet and Alexis de Tocqueville, both of whom paved the way for the development of modern-day conservatism. We can get significant insight on how sociology became an exclusively Left field from the late Irving Louis Horowitz, who served as a professor of sociology at Rutgers while authoring The Decomposition of Sociology. In his book, Horowitz makes the case that sociology has lost its way and that too much emphasis is placed on social disparities, victim casting, and the mass overhaul of economic systems. Horowitz states:

While an earlier pre-World War II generation sought to minimize any notion that sociology had anything to do with socialism, a latter-day post-World War II generation sought to make quite explicit that the two… did come together in the need for a society in which exaggerated (if not all) forms of inequality and differentiation in all forms of power relations are malevolent and… should be opposed on sociological grounds.

Horowitz concludes that such an underlying worldview in the field resulted in “a whole new category of sociology called victimology.” This is where modern-day victimhood culture comes from, according to Horowitz. He feared that sociologists would slowly undergo a metamorphosis resulting in Left-wing activists disguising themselves as legitimate researchers.

Unfortunately, this is precisely what happened. Even worse, this was done with no regard for basic logical principles, which becomes evident when examining many of the unsustainable standards of the new academic Left. Horowitz brings this to light when pointing out the fact that sociologists, in an effort to enact social change, fall prey to an infinite regress fallacy. According to Horowitz:

The most serious theoretical dilemma [is] that issues of stratification have the capacity for… infinite regress. Even if one presumes perfect harmony… on racial boundaries, even if sexual differentials in salaries are resolves, the demand structure for further leveling is inexorable: linguistic inequalities, religious boundaries, biological distinctions between the tall and the short, the heavy and the thin, just scratch the surface.

Plainly speaking, Left-wing sociologists desire equality but have no idea when satisfactory levels of equality are achieved. Absolute equality between two groups simply means that the goalpost must be shifted toward something new–an even more radical form of equality.

Such ideas have no limits and lend themselves to bizarre logical conclusions. Horowitz believed that moral relativism was an inevitable outcome of the pseudo-logical framework of modern sociology. He states:

The new moral relativists have informed their readers that in the wonderful world without norms there can be no deviance… By mystifying the relationships between those who commit crimes… and those who are victimized by criminals, crime is liquidated as readily as deviance.

Horowitz accurately predicted the viewpoint that criminals are the “actual victims” of a broken system long before the soundbites of today’s progressive activists were ever uttered. Social deconstructionism isn’t limited to the criminal justice system, either. Goals by progressive sociologists include radical equality between the sexes, classes, and even attacking the institution of marriage.

This leaves modern conservatives with a perplexing question: will sociology ever be inclusive of conservative ideas again? Some might argue that it is a lost cause. Others might insist that conservative academics should replace progressive ones. But how could this happen unless free-thinking conservatives were forced to become sociologists simply for the sake of equalizing intellectual outcomes? Given these issues, it seems as though the path forward from here remains a mystery.

One thing is remarkably clear, however: Horowitz was correct in his observation. Sociology is, without a shadow of a doubt, a Left-wing field of study as of now. But that doesn’t mean conservatives have to be unarmed in the intellectual battle. Perhaps, in grieving over academic one-sidedness in sociology, conservatives will feel called to pursue the social sciences. Horowitz states at one point in his book that “advocacy has become the very cause of social research.” Instead of trying to rid social science of its advocacy, Right-leaning academics can enter the field of sociology to provide counterpoints for the sake of preserving intellectual rigor. If this happens, perhaps some hope remains for the future of sociology.

This essay was first published here in June 2021.

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